An intelligent mix of ecological, economic, technological, social and political opportunities has to be explored and strengthened at various levels as part of our common goal for ‘Many Species, One Planet, One Future’.

By Jyotiraj Patra

Evolution as a systematic, dynamic and sustained process has supported the birth, growth, multiplication and extinction of many species, including the gigantic dinosaurs and other related species. Of all the millions of species, both existing and to-be explored, that of the human (Homo sapiens) stands out as nature’s most intelligent and innovative species in terms of survival and dominance. The very foundation for these basic characteristics are neatly codified and ingrained in the twenty three pairs of chromosomes, the store house of all the information and traits in humans. From hunter-gathers to the most modern human beings, all have the same basic genetic composition and architecture; differences in physical and psychosocial traits are attributed to the environment in which they survive, grow and reproduce. Surprisingly enough, armed with this minuscule repertoire of genetic information, Homo sapiens has managed to maintain and thrust upon their supremacy over all other species on planet earth. Born with the eternal zeal and mission to reign over the planet and its diverse inhabitants, humans and their choices have hardly left any space and scope for other species to survive and multiply, let alone evolve. All the other non-human species could hardly cope up with, neither individually nor collectively, this rising intensity and frequency of onslaught; only the Na’vi could muster enough strength and organize themselves in James Cameron’s award-winning fictional Avatar and that too somewhere in 2154!

World Environment Day (WED) is to commemorate the United Nations Conference on Human Environment (1972) and the amount of political will it managed to generate for a common cause of environment. WED 2010 is aptly themed ‘Many Species One Planet and One Future’. A rationale and engaged brain (human of course!) would be forced to think and rethink over the inclusion of ‘many species’ in this theme. Surely no second thought on ‘One Planet and ‘One Future’.  The very notion of plurality and diversity entrenched in ‘many’ are severely at threat because of human actions, choices, and preferences. It is one thing that humans invest so much of their energy and resources to further enrich the knowledgebase on this diversity in terms of number of new species discovered and quite another to design, develop and deliver appropriate measures to ensure the survival of these newly-discovered species. Within no time such newly discovered species are examined and explored threadbare to understand and unravel any of their natural capability that could serve human needs like bioactive compounds or ability to sequester carbon dioxide. The ones with any such inbuilt properties then become the cynosure of human ingenuity and greed-driven experiments.

Human inquisitiveness and intelligence have heralded in a myriad of technological innovations which enable them to explore and exploit anything, from the microscopic life forms to vast stretches of the Amazon forest.  While technological prowess enables humans to map and sequence the entire human genome and even other microbes, ironically no consensus could be achieved at on the number of living magnificent animals like tigers thriving in our forests. Conservationists, both field-based and armchair-based, immediately flung in to debate over the average estimate of India’s tiger pegged at 1411 which is the focus of an ongoing media campaign. Initial reports of tiger deaths from the much celebrated Sariska Tiger Reserve were gradually found out to be just the tip of the larger Tiger Crisis looming large in India. Tens of thousands of citizens have voiced their concerns through various forums and with the recommendation of the Tiger Task Force the National Tiger Conservation Authority was constituted. Somehow or the other this ambitious initiative also got trapped in the vicious cycle of  commission, authority, action plan, road map and finally back to square one! Such inaction in terms of lack of training and no organizational improvements were categorically highlighted in the Parliament by the Public Accounts Committee and subsequently another carefully christened initiative M-STrIPES (Monitoring Systems for Tigers – Intensive Protection and Ecological Status) has been recently launched.

This series of incidents and the sequence of institutional mechanisms aimed to protect tigers is a reflection of the level of our acceptance for the ‘many’  and the extent of preparedness we have for their protection and development. Plausible solutions to most of the problems facing these ‘many species’ don’t warrant the use of and reliance on large scale rocket-science technologies.  Rather we need to initiate and sustain greater political will and public engagement at every step.

Species conservation measures and policies are often marred with issues of human rights and equity, and more so with ecosystem-dependent communities. Helping these communities through appropriate incentive mechanisms by supporting them as eco-stewards and active partners in conservation will address the issues of ‘one future’ which is equitable and accepted to all. Financial opportunities under mechanisms like Payment for Ecosystem Services (PES) and the emerging REDD Plus (Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation) could very well be integrated in to local-level conservation measures and in turn incentivize the local communities who contribute in this process.

At the global level, nations are battling with the unprecedented decline in marine resources and very recently the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species (CITES) proposed to ban the export of Blue fin Tuna. And experts warn about the emerging potential of this ‘decline’ to become a full-fledged ‘global crisis’ in the absence of adequate collective actions primarily addressing the issue of over-fishing.

The other two dimensions of the WED 2010 theme ‘One Planet’ and ‘One Future’ not only provide the framework through which we can establish a link with the first part ‘Many Species’ but also encourage us to rethink and redesign our efforts for the other many.  On planet Earth we share space with many species and in toto our future is one. Catastrophe with one is organically linked to the bio-physical and socio-cultural components of the other and in turn impacts the overall ecological integrity and social equity in a given social-ecological system. Reference to and emphasis on this wholeness of human-nature interdependency and development is well encapsulated in the Brundtland Report (1987) on ‘Our Common Future’ as well as in the ‘common but differential responsibility’ approach in the international climate negotiations.

Alarmed by the current rate of species extinction many conservationists argue that planet earth is undergoing the sixth great extinction of species and most importantly this is ‘human-driven’.  In an attempt to  convince the policy makers, both global and national, towards definite and feasible action plans to strike a balance between environment and development, the Global Environment Outlook 2009 (UNEP) proposes four different but intertwined scenarios; markets first, policy first, security first and sustainability first and derives at the conclusion of ‘innovative approaches’ to address these challenges.

The Herculean task of initiating and sustaining a political will demands constant engagement with the public and the policy makers by making them realize the gravity and centrality of the problem in terms of cost of action as well as inaction. Nothing informs more specifically than numbers and that too in economic terms. Recent estimates from The Economics of Ecosystems and Biodiversity (TEEB) initiative peg the annual economic cost of biodiversity loss and economic degradation in the range of 2  to 4.5 trillion USD.

Very often we tend to miss the opportunities offered through such theme-based celebrations as most of the activities are reduced to tokenism and festivities. The World Environment Day 2010 celebrations provide us with enough scope to branch out and establish sustainable bridges with few other ongoing initiatives and actions at various levels.  2010 being the International year of Biodiversity and also the crucial Global MDG + 10 Summit (September 2010), opportunities are abound to initiate strong and sustainable political will at all levels.  MDG 8 is for ‘Global Partnership for Development’ and among others, the Countdown 2010 network of the IUCN (International Union for Conservation of Nature) provides an enabling platform for one and all to contribute towards the loss of biodiversity by ‘moving from words to action.’ Such multi-level collaborations and partnerships will strengthen our efforts towards a common goal of Many Species One Planet One Future.

(Oxford University Centre for the Environment, University of Oxford, UK and KIIT Centre for the Environment and Global Sustainability, KIIT University, Bhubaneswar, Orissa)
jyotirajpatra@gmail.com

By Alok Kumar Mishra
Always on short rations Ram Das is sad. Babu at the fair price shop has asked him to collect his rations only next month when fresh supply is expected.

Das was made Red Card (a kind of BPL card) only after he sold his “Kali” (goat) and stumped up Rs. 200 to a local “netaji”. His Red Card contained few human errors and he was entitled to rations less than sufficient for his household. He tried to get them rectified but babus at SDO office wanted monetary oiling and as he could do none he had to helplessly put up with the perennial loss.

Though he lives 25 km far from his office Ram Das has tried to get an audience with SDO saheb thrice. But on all occasions he was told SDO saheb was busy holding impromptu meetings.

The ambitious Public Distribution System, later renamed Targeted Public Distribution System, has been marred by such carelessness, lack of vigilance, involvement of middlemen, and the insensitiveness of concerned officials. Different sources claim that over 5000 Indians die of hunger every year. Despite considerable improvement in health post independence lack of substantial access to food has left almost 50 percent children underweight and more than 70 percent women with serious nutritional deficiencies.

That, starvation deaths have become a national phenomenon and is a collective shame on the face of a civilized society the Supreme Court of India in an interim order 2002 in PUCL vs. Union of India and Others fixed the responsibility on the Chief Secretary for any starvation deaths that occur in a state. The directive played a major role in galvanizing wooden bureaucracy with chief secretaries galvanizing their fellow bureaucrats to collectively sharing the responsibility. But meetings and plans are disproportionate to executions and implementations and ground level results remain elusive.

Planning Commission figures state that 43 per cent people live below poverty line in Jharkhand. The politically volatile state is home to 26909428 people. More than 11571054 people live below poverty line. The state has about 14500 fair price shops. They cater to only about 2929000 people living in 32620 villages. About 7000 fair price shops do not maintain let alone display Notice Boards and those who display rarely abide by them. About 80 per cent people live in rural areas and depend upon agriculture. Last year Jharkhand was hit by severe drought and several tribals were reported to have died of starvation ––– though some agencies have reported starvation deaths concerned officials have tried to deny it.

Starvation deaths generally occur in rural areas. Inaccessibility and lack of media exposure are two of the many reasons why starvation deaths are not reported. There have been reported cases of officials charging money for making Red Card, Antyodaya Card, Annapurna Card and other identifications entitling poor to benefits. So have been cases of ineligible people getting welfare cards as they are able to dupe officials at SDO (Sub Divisional Officer) offices.

The situation in Orissa is more serious. 47 per cent people live below poverty line in the state, home to the largest number of poor and malnourished in India. About 23600 fair price shops cater only to about 7899900 people. The state has a population of 36706920 and 17252252 live below poverty line. The state, where contrary to other parts of India poverty has increased in past years, has been struggling hard to overcome hunger deaths. As local newspapers put it, though reports are not confirmed, more than 100 people died due to starvation in the state during the end of last year. Worse still it was found that none of the deceased possessed welfare cards. Is it not shocking that across the country those who die of starvation do not posses ration cards or other identifications entitling them to government welfare schemes?

The case with Bihar is also grave. Bihar has about 41,900 fair price shops catering to about 12378200 people living in 45099 villages. Reports claim that about 15,000 fair price shops do not display Notice Board as it saves them accountability. Bihar has a population of 82998509 and about 34859370 people live below poverty line.

Such critically disproportionate figures reflect the morbidly insensitive care we take of our unprivileged brethrens. The problem of starvation is only ironic in India: though we have food surplus and have buffer stocks three times what is required for food security, we still loose thousands due to malnutrition and hunger.

It is a Herculean Task to collect official figures of investigations, let alone convictions, which are rarely conducted to access and check the malpractice that PDS outlets agents indulge into. Information delivered through RTI is but substantially factual. Talk to any PDS outlet agents and they would sound irate and blithe.

“I do not know why on earth only weak (financially) people are always targeted. There do have been reports of diversion at PDS outlets but corruption runs deeper at higher levels. We do not get our monthly allotments on time until we dupe officials at the District Food Depot. My father had worked there and had seen through his open eyes quality grains being replaced by sub standard grains. After all the minuscule margins that we get are but enough to run our households and we just can not survive,” a PDS outlet agent in East Singhbhum district (Jharkhand) cried as he requested strict anonymity.

Bureaucrats thrust with the responsibility to ensure effective implementation of the system have hardly time, or hardly bother, to ensure the same. The claim is supported by the negligible number of raids conducted in a year in any district across Jharkhand even as there have been regular media reports of misconduct.

In spite of its failure in several states there is still light at the end of the tunnel. Tamil Nadu has significantly reduced poverty and improved the standard of living of people living below poverty line by efficient and effective implementation of the public distribution system over the years. It has set a model in implementing the PDS as universal system for other states to follow. Tamil Nadu has a population of 66396000. Though 14939100 people are living below poverty line more than 13230193 are entitled to subsidized rations. This figure speaks volume about the success.

The Tamil Nadu government has outsourced the management of more than 93 per cent of the fair price shops to cooperatives at increased margins. PDS shops have been given decreased burdens. The maintenance of Notice Boards at every PDS (FPS) has been made mandatory. Women –– psychologically less prone to commit misconduct ––have been included into the network and vigilance committees have been formed to keep an eagle eye on every individual PDS shop.

It really hurts when a country which maintains a large amount of buffer stocks –– India maintained a stock of about 565 lakh tonne last year ––– lets a large number of its people die of hunger.  It is time all Indian states especially Bihar, Jharkhand, Orissa, Chhattisgarh and Uttar Pradesh take a leaf out of Tamil Nadu’s book and ensure that no one in any nook of the country has got to sleep hungry let alone die of starvation.

[The writer is a journalist. He can be contacted for news of Jharkhand (India).; Alok Kumar Mishra
H. No. 32, Baridih Basti, Nirala Road, Bajrang Path, Baridih, Jamshedpur (Jharkhand).; Cell- 91+9234629956; E-mail-alokmishra.co@gmail.com, alokmishra.in@rediffmail.com]

By Manas Kumar Biswal
The government statistics of coverage is a feeble indicator for determining everyone’s access to drinking water. At least that is what could be gathered from the news recently flashed regarding a lower caste woman in Orissa who was fined for desecrating a drinking water source used by the upper caste folks of her own village (Sunday Times, 9th May, 2010). A few years ago, similar case studies were reported by an e-magazine, WATERWISE (Vol. 1, Issue 4/ July- August, 2005). The stigma of casteism still echoes in our neighbourhood. But moreover, the issue has brought out the ‘ever asked’ and ‘never answered’ question of equality in access to drinking water.

In a local set up, it is often seen that the drinking water sources are located near the houses of powerful/ upper caste people of the village.  The lower caste people are often left with limited or unsafe sources of water. The situation worsens when that source goes defunct due to summer draw down or other reasons, which gives way to social conflicts. Apart from this, when a person goes against the social rules of a village, he/she is often denied the community support and facilities. Such an outcaste also fails to gain access to the community drinking water sources. The issue of equality in drinking water provisioning has many facets and caste is not the sole factor of exclusion. A good example of this are people residing in reserve forest areas, illegal slums etc. who are deprived from drinking water provisioning by the government.

When the question of equal access comes, along with quantity, quality of drinking water also plays a dominant role. Access to an unsafe source is as good as access to no source. Contaminants like Iron, Arsenic, Fluoride and Chloride are found in the ground water sources. In coastal areas, saline ingression in the ground water is another threat to the sustainability of drinking water sources. While the remedy can be sought in water supply from safe alternative sources and rain water harvesting, the government is yet to accept the gravity of the situation.

Denial of access to drinking water on the basis of caste is not only an infringement of Right to Equality as enshrined in Article 15 and 17 of Indian Constitution, but also an infringement of Right to Water included in the broader interpretation of Article 21. This right can not be ensured without equal participation of people in the installation and execution of schemes and equal role in decision making. It is commonly understood that, to give justice to the vulnerable, the vulnerable should be involved in the process. However, the question of equality is poorly reciprocated by the government policies which hardly ensure participation and access of people from all sections of the society. Forget about participation of the vulnerable groups, despite keeping the community at the fore of all the policies, even community participation is hardly ensured under the arrangements.

The approach of government till 2009 has been that of ensuring the coverage norm of 40 LPCD with population as the indicator for executing the scheme. This set up scarcely addressed the issue of equality in drinking water provisioning. Of course, the population as a whole should be the indicator for executing the scheme, as taking caste in consideration while installing a source will further enhance the caste rigidity in the locality. The problem will also be aggravated if the drinking water source will go defunct and result in social conflicts. But there too, are social dynamics which can not be ignored, like that of addressing the access of the vulnerable sections of the society.
In 2009, the National Rural Drinking Water Programme was launched which provides for ensuring people’s water security in rural India. The programme also states that the issue of equity and basic minimum needs is to be considered while designing the schemes and planning investment. The successful implementation of the policy requires a democratic community governance system set up at the village level in which all the vulnerable sections of the society can participate. The question of equality in access to drinking water is a social issue which needs to be dealt through social interventions.  An effective and democratic community governance system is not only capable of addressing the individual rights of equality in access to drinking water sources, but also goes in a long way in fighting social evils like casteism.

[Manas Kumar Biswal; Regional Centre for Development Cooperation; Bhubaneswar]

By Bikash Kumar Pati; ‘A woman with a massive, 20-litre aluminium pitcher full of water placed firmly on her head and crossing kilometers on the odd trek to her village’ is a picture often encountered in the rural Odisha during summer. Such familiar too, is ‘a small crowd of a dozen or so women, girls and children collecting water with coconut spoons and pouring it into large pitchers with utmost care from chuans (small holes) dug on river beds’. These are just a few snapshots of the lengths to which the people – especially women – in Odisha have to go to collect such an elementary need like water.
Every year as soon as summer arrives, local newspapers flood with heart-rending stories of water woes of the people. The State Assembly witnesses heated debates over the drinking water crisis in various parts of the state. The government announces several drinking water projects to tide over the crisis. A few foundation stones are laid. And then all is forgotten – till the next summer.
In a state with an average rainfall of 1482 mm, there is no reason why there should be a water crisis. But the fact is that vast areas of the state do face an acute drinking water crisis every year. There are no easy answers available to explain this paradox. But there is a need to analyze what can be done at the community level, by the community members and for the community as a whole to combat the crisis.
The lucrative statistics of rural drinking water coverage in Odisha shows a total of 2,70,418 tube wells along with 9,287 bore wells, 259 spring based water supply and 5,158 Rural Pipe Water Supply projects (till March 2009) which has been achieved particularly after implementation of ‘demand driven projects’ like Sector Reforms, Swajaldhara and Jaldhara. Considering the domination of the department personnel for provisioning of drinking water sources, a revolutionary change in the approach was adopted in 1999. The Approach was shifted from that of a ‘Supply Driven’ to ‘Demand Driven’. Another noble cause behind the shift was that the community will be organized to take-over the sole responsibility of operation and maintenance of drinking water sources. This had the dual objective of reducing the burden of Government as well as making the sources functional throughout the year.
But in reality, it happened quite contrary to the desired output due to breach in the process of execution of drinking water projects to show handsome expenditure at the end of the financial years. In many cases, how well-designed the project might be, neither could deliver the desired output, nor could solve the drinking water problem of the community.
The aim of adopting a participatory approach in drinking water sector was to enable the community to participate in the planning phase, implementation phase and operation & maintenance phase. The planning phase includes community participation in planning the technology, cost, location etc. The implementation phase includes the execution as per the plans. The operation and maintenance phase include the community participation in decisions regarding the timing of supply, duration of supply, person(s) responsible and his/her remuneration, repairing etc.
The practice so far reveals that the problem starts in the pre plan phase, when the Village Water & Sanitation Committee (VWSC) is instituted. VWSCs were formed mostly in pen and paper and projects were executed on a target basis. The VWSC is a representative of the community which ensures 10 percent contribution towards installation of the source and opening of an account. The reason behind asking the community to contribute was to make the community feel responsible for the maintenance and develop a sense of ownership. But in actual practice, in many instances it is seen that this amount is deposited by a couple of persons who are lately refunded by the contractors for this. Public contribution, which is the first step to ensure participation, is often made by contractors who take it as an investment for the profit in the project contract. After the refund, the persons do not take interest in raising a corpus fund. As the community does not contribute for the deposit, no corpus fund is created to meet the expenditure for operation and maintenance. Finally, the inability to pay for the electricity bill and other maintenance needs lead to a permanent dysfunction. If we will give a fresh look to the structures created under Sector Reforms and Swajaldhara projects, we can find most of them defunct or mal-functional.
Tube wells in many areas stop yielding water during summer, sometimes even before, due to a seasonal problem known in departmental parlance as ‘draw down’. The problem occurs when the water table goes below the level to which the tube well is dug. But in reality, often the ‘draw down’ problem can be attributed to the fact that pipes with requisite length are not used. Every year, a huge amount of money is allocated to procure additional pipes that would reach up to the water table. A proper formation of VWSC will lead to real community participation which can successfully address this problem through surveillance by community members. Besides all these, water loss, which is another factor of water scarcity, could also be checked, if the community will have the sense of ownership and responsibility.
The words go ‘Better late than never’ for this. Ground level initiatives are needed for strengthening, and if required, reforming the institutions around drinking water sources. After all, it is the community who will and can really take care of drinking water sources and it is the community who has to pay for operation and maintenance of the drinking water sources under demand driven projects.   [ Bikash Kumar Pati, Programme Manager – Water Programme, Regional Centre for Development Cooperation (RCDC), Bhubaneswar, bikash@rcdcindia.org]

By Umi Daniel
In just two months from now the brick kiln workers of western Odisha will return home from other sates where they had migrated to work. . Worksite schools particularly located in Thiruvalur in Tamilnadu and Nalgonda in Andhrapradesh are already facing sharp drop out of children who are being coerced to put extra work to fulfill their target number of bricks.  It may be noted that worksite schools are run by some NGOs like Aide et Action, Action Aid in Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh to provide education to the children who migrate to the brick kilns with their parents. These children are employed in the kilns from very early age. The entire family has to accomplish their commitment of making 1.5 lakh or more bricks for which they had taken advance from the labour contractor (sardar), the middlemen between the labourers and the brick kiln owners. Lesser the brick moulded, lesser is the in the weekly food allowance labourers get from the owners. As per the norms, each 1000 bricks were made will fetch Rs. 30 as food allowance. During summer a family of three (generally two adults and a child) will roughly make 7000 bricks per a week and entitled to get Rs 210 food allowance.  An average family size of 3-4 have to reconcile their food need with whatever they get as weekly allowance. However, few are doomed as their own calculations have been flawed and the brick kiln owners have revised the target to make more bricks against what was agreed earlier with the labour contractor. In most cases the labour contractor deceive the labourers in terms of actual negotiation he held with the owner pertaining to agreed wages, number of brick, transport, food allowance for the workers. At every juncture, the labour contractor earns commission and pass on the buck to the labourer who at the end has to repay the same by doing extra work without any extra remuneration. Now there is no option left for the hapless people but to obey the dictate of the owner. Otherwise, they will be harassed for their final payment, will be denied transport, food and travel allowance as well.

In December 2009, Rahasa Rana from Jamutbahal village in Sandhibahal panchayats of Gaisilet block of Bargarh district of Odisha migrated with 3 member of his family to Puchiathipet in the suburbs of Chennai. He had taken an advance of 15,000 from the local labour contractor for making bricks. In 2009, the movement of the people to brick kiln had delayed by three months. Usually people migrate from western Odisha to Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu brick kilns during September/October. But this time around the movement has been delayed by two/three months owing to reduced demand for real estate which in turn reduced the demand of the bricks. Experts attribute the drop in demand to the global recession that also affected India. After November 2009, the market showed signs of revival impacting the renewed demand on the brick industries. . The workers were thus recruited late in December and started moving to the brick kiln by January. Rahasa and his family have put in daily hard work of 12 hours and accomplished an average 7,000 brick per week. Within two month the entire family moulded more than 50,000 bricks. However, during middle of March, to excessively hard and long hours of work accompanied by inadequate food Rahasa slowly started complaining sever weakness, nausea and ill health. The local RMP (Registered Medical Practioner) gave him some vitamin pills but to no visible result. And after two days Rahasa collapsed before he could be taken to the hospital. The owner cremated his body in the same evening and the family was sent back with a compensation of 2,000 rupees. The owner was in fact more worried about the completion of task which remains half done by the family than the treatment of Rahasa.

Abhi Bhoi, from Bijaghat, in Lokhana Gram Panchayat under Muribahal block inBolangir district in Odisha too joined in January this year with other migrant labourer from his village to the brick kiln in Chennai. His wife and two daughters also accompanied him. He would not have thought in his wildest dreams that this would turn out to be his final journey of life. He had taken an advance of rupees 20,000 from the labour contractor and landed up in in the kiln with an agreement of making 150000 bricks in five months. Mostly during winter the output of brick making goes up to 1500 bricks per day and a unit of brick maker can achieve target of 40,000 bricks per month. But in summer the output sharply dips down as labourers have to work in the scorching heat and under humid conditions in Chennai. The task is quite painstaking. The workers put their sweat and blood to meet the target. After working for two and half months, Abhi Bhoi complained of stomach problem but ignored it thinking it as a minor health disorder owing to adjustment problem to the climate, food and water in the worksite. Gradually, however he started feeling acute pain on the lower abdomen. The local RMP administered some pills but no improvement of condition resulted. He was admitted in a general hospital at Central Chennai but died the same day. The owner claims he has spent thousands of rupees for his treatment but couldn’t save his life. The family members performed last rites and rituals of the departed soul at the brick kiln with their fellow workers. The owner instead of sending the family back to home state asked them to continue work. Since they will no longer be able to make bricks in absence of Abhi, they are now engaged as head loader in the brick kiln.

Working as brick carrier or head loader in the brick kilns is one of the tough and labour intensive work. Each of the labourers has to carry brick on their head and walk a distance of 50-150 meters. Each brick weights approximately 4.5 killo. The man and women both do the work and each of the people gets an advance of rupees 5,000 to transport approximately 1.5 lakh bricks on head load in the full season. The wage system is somewhere rupees 50-60 to transport 1000 bricks. While, rupees 40 is deducted from the advance, rupees 10 are given as food allowance during the work. In a weeks’ time, a group of 2-3 members of a family carries around 10,000 bricks which is equivalent of 45,000 killos!

Garib Sunani from Goheria village in Golamunda block, Kalahandi district of Odisha is a  first timer to the brick kiln and preferred to work as brick carrier in the brick kiln in Chennai. He and his wife have took advance money of rupees 10,000 from the labour contractor. Both of them have to transport 3,00,000 bricks on head load during the span of 5 months. During their work in the brick kiln both wife and husband would earn weekly rupees 120 as food allowance. However, one day while Garib Sunani was carrying brick he slipped and fell down and got his spinal cord injured. The RMP at the site gave some pain killer but Garib didn’t get any relief. With unbearable pain he is continuing the work and the owner is hellbent on him to complete his commitment. Now the burden has obviously shifted to his wife and daughter who are struggling hard to fulfill their task.

Case of Rupadhar Bariha from Solbandha village under Patnagarh block of Bolangir district of Odisha portrays a gloomy case death and slavery in Brick Kiln. Bariha with his wife Anjana and two minor sons went to Udaimal in Nalgonda district of Andhra Pradesh 6 years back. They were given no advance money but were kept as bondage labourers there for these many years. Every time they ask the Kiln owner Jagan Seth to go home after the end of session, Rupadhar would be subjected to physical assaults and threat by the owner and his supervisor. However, finally in April 2010 when he urged to go home, Rupadhar was severely beaten up by the kiln owner and his goons. When the family protested, they were also ill treated.  Dejected and hurt Rupadhar was left in his makeshift hut at the site, but later he was found dead in suspicious state of hanging from the roof. His wife was shocked, terrified and unable to protest the inhuman act which was committed by the kiln owner. The family was kept for 8 more days after the death of Rupa and were allowed to go home with a compensation of 1000 rupees. Signature of Anjana was taken on a paper by the kiln owner where something in Telugu was written which Anjana could not read. The bereaved family had to perform his last rites near the kilns itself. Back in their village, the family does not dare to file a complaint with the police due to lack of confidence to follow up the case.

Brick kiln in India produces around 140 billion brick and second largest brick producing country after China. If someone does a simple calculation, the brick kilns which are the backbone of the growing real estate and infrastructure industry will be anywhere 280 billion rupee of business turn over. According to Indian Brick Manufacture Association, approximately 1 lakh brick kilns are operating in India which employs more than 4 million workers. Most of the workers are migrants who belong to backward and underdeveloped regions of the country and normally hail from low income and socially disadvantage section of the society. Till today, the brick manufacturing is considered as highly labour intensive which consist both skilled and unskilled work force covering adult and child labour. Bandhua Mukti Morcha, the national campaign against bonded labour led by Swami Aginivesh in 1981 has first raised the issues of the brick kiln workers who are living a life bondage and contemporary form of slavery. The entire process of recruitment, transit, working and living conditions in the brick kiln is a testimony and indication of existence of severe form of human bondage.

Government under its arm has a plethora of laws, legislation, regulatory and enforcement apparatus to protect the rights and entitlement of migrant labourers. Inter State Migrant Workman Act of 1979 which was enacted to protect the concern of migrant labour has failed to safeguard the interest and living condition and wellbeing of worker which is a paramount obligation of the government at source and destination. On the other hand barring some labour unions, few civil society organisations are engaged with the migrant
labourer to make them aware, organise and advocate for their rights and entitlement. Since it is required a concerted effort to network both at source and destination which involves networking at multiple states, tracking of labourers and coordinate with the respective states for the protection of rights and entitlements of the migrants. The government machinery in this regard has not done enough and lot more need to be done in relation to enforce labour standards, provision for compensation, living condition and elimination of all forms of bondage and slavery exist in the brick kilns.

India with its roaring economy and a distinct inequality of people in the rural area is a huge concern for all. While, it is important to reduce the distress or forced migration of people, a more human approach to manage and monitor migration is utmost important to provide a level playing ground for the unorganised labourers for their rights and wellbeing.

[Umi Daniel works with Aide et Action on migration issue based in Bhubaneswar. He can be contacted through e mail: umi.daniel@gmail.com ]

By Kamala Kanta Dash
South Asia Masala*, Australia National University, 30 April 2010
(Source: http://asiapacific.anu.edu.au/blogs/southasiamasala/)

Thanks for all the support & good wishes. U folks are the New India. We will “be the change” we wish to see in our country. But not without pain! (Posted on Twitter, 16 April 2010, http://twitter.com/shashitharoor)
This message is from Dr Shashi’s Tharoor’s twitter after he got embroiled in a controversy over allegedly using his public office for private gain by possibly using his ‘good friend’ Ms. Sunanda Pushkar as a shadow bidder/shareholder for the Kochi (Kerala) team in the cash rich Twenty-20 cricket tournament of Indian Premier League (IPL)

Dr Tharoor is a former Junior Minister in the Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India a former UN Under-Secretary General for Communications and Public Information and a PhD from Fletcher School Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, USA.

In this (twitter) post he introduced his idea of New India, referring to his followers with whom he has built a strong relationship of sharing information on his official activities and personal opinion on many issues. Tharoor has, in the meantime, resigned from his post as a junior minister in the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) after requesting the Prime Minster to conduct a thorough enquiry to find out details of his involvement and other financial irregularities. Tharoor has defended his decision to support the Kochi (Kerala) team and has made it clear that he mentored the team and did not support for any personal monetary benefit. He defended his position in the parliament by saying ‘my conscience is clear and I have done nothing improper or unethical, less alone illegal.’ Many analysts in India and overseas feel that Tharoor has been made a sacrificial lamb in the IPL controversy.

Setting aside his alleged involvement in the IPL controversy and his subsequent resignation, this article analyses his contribution, if not legacy, to Indian politics and especially to Indian foreign policy and his idea of a New India.

Tharoor, an India-backed candidate for the position the United Nations Secretary General (who lost to Ban Ki Moon) and an accomplished author, joined Indian politics in 2009 and contested an election to become an MP from Thiruvananthapuram, the capital city of the state of Kerala in South India, on a ticket from the Congress Party. He was inducted as a junior minister in the MEA after an impressive victory in the first ever parliamentary election of his life, with a margin of more than 100,000 votes. He was assigned to look after India’s engagement with the countries in the regions of the Middle East, Africa and Latin America – regions with which India’s engagement has been at least poor and at best unproductive. His fluency in the French language added to his ability to develop a rapport with Africa, especially Francophone Africa, the continent which is believed to be slowly emerging as a space for a strategic contest between India and China.

Since Tharoor took his oath in May 2009 he has remained in the news most of the time for the wrong reasons and interestingly by default has left strong political messages of reform. He courted controversy in saying that he will travel “cattle class in solidarity with the holy cows” against the backdrop of government’s austerity drive. This offended the civic sensibility of Indian politicians and especially his fellow Congress Party leaders. He was made to clarify to get a reprieve from the Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh and the ruling coalition chief Ms Sonia Gandhi. But this can be seen as a reflection of hollowness in so-called serious Indian politics and in a large number of humourless politicians, both in the ruling and opposition parties, who are always ready to sell sound bytes to increase popular support but have been slow to understand or tolerate humour in politics. His stand on work culture – the birthday of Mahatma Gandhi should be a workday and not a public holiday, and his opinion that ’strikes are social evils’ have been perhaps the most revolutionary ideas in recent years of political life in India.

Foreign policy and citizen engagement through twitter

Tharoor used the new media ‘twitter’ to reach out to the internet savvy young India, which he calls the New India, that represents the educated middle class who, ironically, have been uniquely apathetic and distrustful of political processes and development in the country.  They are perhaps the first ones to demand their rights when anything affects them but the last to respond if there is a duty to perform for the common good. Against this backdrop Tharoor’s twitter can be seen as an effort to engage with the middle-class educated young of urban India. His twitter following has reached close to 750,000 – much more than that of Shah Rukh Khan, a Bollywood superstar, at 300,000.

He was the first minister to make public his disagreement on his department’s decision regarding the utility of visa restrictions against the backdrop of David Headley’s arrest.  He was the first Indian delegate to visit the earthquake ravaged Haiti to promise his government’s support. He is the first person to eloquently argue in favour of India-Africa relations by employing ‘consultative’ and ‘non-intrusive support’ models of Indo-Africa engagement.

His summing up at a seminar presented by Lord Bhikhu Parekh at the Indian Council of World Affairs (ICWA) in New Delhi landed him in controversy when he was accused of portraying Nehru’s (Non-Alignment) foreign policy “as a moralistic running commentary”. It was unexpected for a minister to criticise the holy men of his own party: in this case Nehru. He, however, eloquently defended his point by invoking “the tradition of criticism as the hallmark of academia”. He brought a renewed focus “to the need for informed discussion of foreign policy issues in our democracy”.

All these initiatives and especially the controversies in one way or the other have challenged the orthodoxy in the Indian foreign policy establishment and have brought fresh air to the debates over citizen participation in public policy.  If one can see beyond the IPL mess and de-link the controversy from his job as a foreign minister then Dr Tharoor has set lofty standards in the conduct of foreign policy in India.

In India an informed citizen in their private capacity does not get any chance to contribute to public policy: the bureaucracy implements policy and the politicians approve it to be implemented. There is virtually no culture of public debate in any policymaking. The government is reluctant to consult the academicians for policy formulation and feedback. Academia and bureaucracy share a high level of mutual indifference and distrust. It is a gross failure on the part of the Indian state that it has been unable to engage its citizens in public policy discourse. Interestingly, the foreign ministry has a division of public diplomacy that hardly provides any opportunity for the Indian public to play a role in policy consultation. When apathy of the educated for the political system seems to have got deeper and wider, Shashi Tharoor’s frank opinion-sharing on twitter attracted many to discuss their views on politics and foreign and security policy.

Conclusion

As evident in many recent elections, the rising middle class has been very sceptical about the political process and thinks that no change can take place through democracy, public participation and voting. However, Tharoor’s entry has brought a breath of fresh air into national politics. With charisma, promise of change and flamboyance he became a hero for the urban middle class. Whether he will be back in the government or not depends a lot on the ongoing investigations into the IPL and the subsequent clearing of his name. Moreover this will also depend on the willingness of the ruling coalition to again accommodate him. However, the question that remains to be answered is whether his involvement in this controversy is going to undermine his genuine efforts and contribution to the idea of citizen participation in governance. If not, at least one thing is certain: the twitter will remain his legacy to his idea of New India.

He later elaborated his idea of New India in the speech he gave in parliament after his resignation from the Ministry of External Affairs.

“…I returned to India because I believed in an India of honesty and hard work and not of corruption and crookedness. I believed in an India of openness and straightforwardness and not of hypocrisy and double dealing. I believed in an India where opportunities are available to all and not just to a chosen few.  I believed in an India of pluralism and diversity and not of religious bigotry and caste politics. I believed in an India that is secure in itself and confident of its place in the world, an India that is a proud example of tolerance, freedom and hope for the downtrodden. That India can be built by the sincere efforts of all of us in this august house and outside it”.

His vision for a New India has got its echo in the dreams of millions of young Indians who want to make a difference to their country. But the ‘old India’ remains powerful and strong to resist any change in the way the politics being played in the largest democracy of the world. Nevertheless, Tharoor and his followers remain hopeful of a New India.

Note: This article was originally written for and published in the ANU Webjournal South Asia Masala. The article can be found at : http://asiapacific.anu.edu.au/blogs/southasiamasala/2010/04/30/shashi-tharoor%E2%80%99s-new-india-foreign-policy-citizen-engagement-and-new-media/

By Pradeep Baisakh, Orissa

Activists who seek the truth behind the processing of national schemes end up paying a heavy price!

The organised opposition by the elected members of the Panchayats in Rajasthan in form of attacks on the social activist organizing social audits of NREGA works in Banswara in December 2007 and Jhalawar in February 2008 took an ugly form this time around in Alwar in November 2009. The Sarpanches and Gram Panchayat officials took to streets and blocked highways. They pressurised the government to cancel the planned social audits in the district and got orders from the courts against the inclusion of social activist and NGOs in future social audit process in NREGA-now Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MNREGA). This time they got overt support from some elected members of State Assembly and Parliament. It is also alleged that some of the District Collectors in the State had put their weight behind the move.

Assertions by the activists and people at grass root from across the country to bring about transparency and accountability in the implementation of this law have been met with backlash by the vested interest groups who stood to be exposed from the whole exercise of social audit. The backlash took various forms: disruption during social audits/public hearing process, bloody and murderous attack,many a times right under the nose of the government officials thus clamping false police cases and finally, liquidating the ‘over-enthusiastic activists’!

On 23rd December 2009, in Araria district of Bihar, the goons of the Mukhiya (the Panchayat head man) attacked a ward member who was encouraging a villager to testify fearlessly for having received lower wages than what was recorded in the muster roll. This was discovered during a social audit conducted by Jan Jagaran Abhiyan, a people’s organization in association with the district administration. According to the compilation by Anis Vanaik on NREGA-related violence, in January 2009, workers of Aira Kake Mau of Hardoi district of Uttar Pradesh protesting in front of the Sarpanch’s house demanding the payment of their wages under NREGA were mercilessly beaten by the goons of the Sarpanch right in front of the Station House Officer of the local PS, who was standing there as a silent observer. Similarly, on 3rd February 2009, Neyamat Ansari and Bhukhan Singh, two social workers of Gram Swaraj Abhiyan, Jharkhand who mobilised people for the Lok Adalat held on NREGA by the Jharkhand government in Latehar district were later framed in false cases of attempting to murder a forest guard and were put in jail for six days.

Apart from these backlashes, some ghastly incidences of murdering the activists also took place. Rajeswar Das, a CPI (ML) activist from Deoghar district of Jharkhand, who was active in exposing corruption in NREGA works, was attacked and murdered by the goons and his wife was seriously injured in the attack. Similarly Kamleswar Yadav, activist from Jharkhand, Narayan Hareka, naib-Sarpanch from Orissa were murdered for fighting against corruption in NREGA.

Why Kailash went missing?

A case that is still interesting is that of Kailash Nayak from Ganjam district of Orissa, who is missing since august 2008. Kailash, a daily labourer from dalit community applied for work under NREGS in July 2006. Failing to get the same he applied for unemployment allowance near the BDO of Jagannath Prasad block. Then he filed an appeal near the District Collector, and approached the Chief Minister’s Grievance Cell. The CM’s grievance cell wrote to the Collector in November 2006 to provide job to the applicant in a month’s time. Then, as usual, the order of the CM was handed down from the Collector to the BDO and then to the Sarpanch, but with no effect. Again in June 2007, a similar complaint was made by Kailash near the then State Project Coordinator, NREGA, R N Dash (the Secretary cum Commissioner- Panchayati Raj department) who promised to act in fifteen days. But Kailash neither got any job nor the unemployment allowance. He then resorted to seeking information from the concerned offices through RTI. Having got no response, he filed a complaint near the State Information Commission (SIC). During the series of hearings of his case in the SIC, he went missing after august 2008. Finally the SIC also disposed of the case in May 2009 without penalising the guilty for not providing information to Kailash as ‘missing’ Kailash Naik failed to appear before the Commission! Knocking all the doors and using all possible provisions of the so called pro-people laws, Kailash finally met with the fate that nobody stands witness to.

The administration has shown a lukewarm response to the ‘backlash’ of the vested interest groups on the people and the activist. After almost all the NREGA activists of the country such as Aruna Roy, Prof Jean Drèze, Nikhil Dey and others demanded for a CBI inquiry to the ghastly murder incidence of Lalit Mehta in Palamu district in May 2008, the state government finally agreed for the same in July 2008. However, CBI found the incidence as a road robbery case and framed charge against Som Bihari Singh and Kamta Singh. But many, who worked with Lalit believed this as a NREGA related murder-facts of which could not be established by the CBI. Lot of commitments have been made by several politicians including the current Minister for Rural Development – C P Joshi to bring the attackers of NREGA activists to book. In reality however very little is done by the administration.

High degree of corruption in implementation of welfare schemes in India has been the rule with transparency and accountably being rather alien terminologies. For the first time probably, NREGA became the kind of law (to be operationally in form of a scheme) which was designed with in-built provisions for openness in forms of reading muster rolls in open, maintenance of Job Cards, regularly conducting socials audits by the Gram Sabhas etc. But these ‘legal adventurism’ in favour of open and participatory governance were not to be taken easily by people in position and power who had been immensely benefiting from the ‘rot’ in the system.

As a matter of fact, regular social audits under NREGA have exposed the existing elected representatives-official-contractor nexus in receiving fixed percentage cuts from welfare schemes.

In an interview to a news magazine, Prof Jean Drèze, development economist said about the deep rooted corruption and nexus among contractor officials and politicians. Therefore, the backlash. But what about the political dispensation at the centre, which has won back the national election trumpeting the success of NREGA, reneges from its promises for protection of people fighting for their statutory right to employment and the activist facilitating it? If such spectre of violence continues with impunity the current establishment may have to pay a good price in the next election for neglecting common people’s interest in favour of the mighty.

[The author is a senior editor and one of the founder member of www.orissadiary.com and social activist. You can send your comments and suggestions at 2006pradeep@gmail.com. This piece also figured in Grassroots in march 15, 2010 issue]

By Bimal Prasad Pandia
As consumers in Orissa were bracing to face the summer, power tariff hike came in as big shock. While they are being made to believe that the hike was unavoidable as hydro power generation has suffered a lot owing to low rainfall, this report finds that the reservoirs are in fact teeming with higher levels. Definitely there is something fishy in the whole episode.

The order of Orissa Electricity Regulatory Authority (OERC) to hike power tariff has jolted a big shock to the people of Orissa.  “It’s a big and unnecessary increase”, fumes Bhupinder Singh, the leader of the opposition in Assembly. Even the industry-wallahs are very unhappy with it. “We did not expect the hike to be so steep. It will take the competitive edge out of Orissa,” rues R K Jena, chairman, CII’s Orissa State Council.   While it has shocked most, a minority section of the society justifies it by arguing that “It was long overdue as Orissa continued with the same tariff structures since 2000”. When every other commodity has become costlier, this justification succeeded in soothing many. “May be, there was no other way out”, Sujit Nath, a student of Pharmacy in Bhubaneswar, tries to reason out.

While people slowly come to terms, a deceptive strategy – which was in all probability well planned and executed – was succeeding on its objectives. The focus of objection has been on the steep rate of hike rather than on whether the hike was warranted at the first place or not. And this was the plan to lead people that way. They wanted people to focus their attention on lesser important things.  People are shouting about the end result while remaining ignorant about the mischiefs that have been played to achieve that result. There is enough evidence to suggest and prove that the condition of ‘severe power shortage’ has been an artificially created one aimed at achieving many objectives – power tariff being just one among those. And hydro-power production has been the most preferred tool to create that condition.

Loss – A deliberate creation
Raising the tariff structure, OERC has noted that the Grid Corporation (Gridco) – which buys power from producers and sells to distribution companies – has suffered huge losses and by the end of year 2009-10 the loss may well surpass 1,500 crore rupees. While the loss to Gridco is true, not many people know that the loss was – to a large extent – an outcome of very low power supply from Orissa Hydro Power Corporation (OHPC), the state owned corporation that owns hydro-power units in Orissa.

The Gridco procures power from various sources at OERC fixed rates. As per the process, Gridco had informed the OERC that Orissa will require a total of 18,726.15 Million Unit (MU) in the year 2009-10. It then informed about the sources from which it intends to procure and meet this requirement. Like the Gridco, other players in the power supply network like the power producers, transmitters and consumer representatives also submitted their design power generation, expenditure burdens and what price they expect etc. Taking everything into account the OERC decides quantity of power to be supplied to Gridco and their rate. It also decides power tariff for consumers and end users. While going through this process for the year 2009-10, the Gridco had submitted its plan to meet Orissa’s power requirement. There is no point for guessing that hydro power being the cheapest among all sources was and is the first choice for Gridco. The Gridco, relying on OHPC sources, had estimated that it will get 6,184.44 MU from OHPC. However parties appearing for the consumers submitted that this was a too conservative estimate and ‘Gridco has merely accepted the data submitted by the OHPC and has not done independent assessment of hydro power availability’.  They submitted that ‘the availability of power from state hydro stations would be around 7,680 MU in FY 2009-10 as against the GRIDCO proposal of 6,184 MU’. But the OERC negated consumer’s estimation and instead agreed to the estimates made by Gridco. Though, OERC did not agree to consumer’s assertion that the consumers are losing out on cheapest energy, still 6184 MU from the OHPC in the year 2009-10 was the single most dominant procurement source for Gridco.  This allotment constituted about one-third of its total energy procurement target for the year at a very cheap rate of 57.66 paise per unit on an average with power from Machhkund being the cheapest among all hydro power centres at 13.90 paise per unit and Indravati being the costliest at 73.35 paise.

In contrast, other sources – from which Gridco budgeted to procure the remaining two-third of required power – were 3.35 to 5.2 times costlier. The purchase rate – fixed by OERC – from Orissa Power Generation Corporation (OPGC) owned thermal power plants is 193.70 paise per unit; from Central Power Generation Corporation (Primarily NTPC) is 197.31 paise; from central hydro sources like Chukha, Tala and Teesta is 190.30 paise; from Captive Generation Plants (CGPs) in Orissa is 300 paise; and from renewable sources at 269.43 paise per unit. OHPC’s power, being the cheapest and the largest source, was expected to moderate all these costly sources and keep Gridco’s total purchase cost at 2,923.80 crore rupees for 19,619.11 MU of power required for Orissa in the year 2009-10, at 148.27 paise per unit.

So the power sources, per unit cost, units to be made available etc. were all decided by the OERC. Had everything gone as per the plan, Gridco would not have bled losses. But that was not to be. OHPC – the most vital source that moderated Gridco’s total purchasing cost to a reasonable level – faltered in making committed supply to the Gridco. For a period OHPC’s supply almost dried up as if its reservoir beds have gone bare.

At the last count, OHPC managed to produce just 4,136.139 MU till 25 March, 2010. With only six days remaining of this financial year, the OHPC is expected to produce another 60 MU. This will take OHPC’s total energy production for the year 2009-10 to about 4,200 MU. This is a mere two-third of what was expected from it. Because of this huge deficit supply from the OHPC, the Gridco was forced to scout for other suppliers to plug the gap. That has undone all calculations and caused severe losses to Gridco. As the other sources from which Gridco gets supply are already stretched, they are in no position to make additional supply to Gridco.

Even if they make supply, the cost will be many times more than that of OHPC’s power. Now, Gridco has no other way than to purchase power from wily producers at exorbitant cost. Some privately owned CGPs, with whom the Gridco has purchase agreement, charge OERC fixed rate up to the agreement level. Beyond that… it’s the producer’s fiefdom – to grab profits as much as possible from the Gridco’s misery. The negotiations are held hardly on equal terms. The OERC plays no role there; it does not have any jurisdiction to play either. Naturally, power rates spiral with the summer heat. In such a similar situation, the Gridco purchased power at more than 800 paise per unit last year. The situation is ripe to worsen this year. Gridco has lost substantial units of very low cost energy – hydro power – and is now compensating that loss with very high cost energy.

Smacks of Subterfuge

Low hydro power production cannot be reasoned in any manner

As power situation worsens to new lows, people get bemused by the status of the so called ‘energy capital of the nation’ – that Orissa was flaunting as its USP not long ago. But the government had a ready excuse – that reservoirs have dangerously low water level. That excuse has fooled many people into believing in that.  But the reality of reservoir level is starkly the opposite. As the summer was approaching all the major power producing reservoirs were having higher than their normal water level.

Table: On a High

Water level as on April 1 in various years

Year

Hirakud (ft)

Rengali (mt)

Indravati (mt)

Balimela (ft)

2010

618.73

118.94

635.6

1471.6

2009

612.47(-6.26)

116.02(-2.92)

632.61(-2.99)

1455.6(-16)

2008

616.50(-2.23)

114.12(-4.82)

633.03(-2.57)

1484.9(+13.3)

2007

618.15(-0.58)

119.6(+0.66)

635.6(0.00)

1492.1(20.5)

2006

618.87(+0.14)

117.62(-1.32)

635.58(-0.02)

1473.6(+2.00)

2005

617.15(-1.58)

117.73(-1.21)

633.35(-2.25)

1465.5(-6.5)

Note: Figures in bracket indicate water level compared to this year.
Source: OHPC

With March we entered the summer months. On the first day of March this year, all the major reservoirs had higher water level than what they had on the same day last year. Hirakud, one of the largest reservoirs of Asia, was at 618.73 feet level against last year level of 612.47 feet. Indravati, the largest hydropower producing reservoir of the state, had a level of 635.6 meter against last year’s 632.61 meter. Rengali, Orissa’s second largest reservoir, was at 118.94 meter level on 1 March 2010 against 116.02 meter level that it had on the same day in year 2009. Only Kolab reservoir had a slightly lower water level than what it had on the same day last year. In fact, the water levels maintained by these reservoirs on the 1st March were higher than not just their last year’s level, they surpassed their past five year’s average level too by quite a big margin (See table: On a High…).

In the last five years, excluding this year, Hirakud reservoir had maintained an average water level of 616.63 feet against this year’s level of 618.73 feet. Similarly, Rengali this year was at 390.12 meter level against last five year’s average 383.82 meter. The catchment area of Indravati reservoir received less rainfall this year. But still, Indravati reservoir maintained a higher water level this year than its average level of last five years. Only Balimela reservoir maintained a slightly lower level than its average level in past years.

When water levels in the reservoirs are at higher than their normal levels, government’s contrary propaganda is very hard to swallow and is perplexing. May be a cleaver ploy is cooking to benefit wily parties at the cost of the consumers. Clearly, while some are probably smiling at the deceitful act of the government, awed common people are floundering on their ways to brace the shock in the ensuing heat.
——————-
* The writer is a development researcher. He can be contacted at bimalpandia@gmail.com

By  Sraban Bag

After more than sixty three  years of Independence and twenty years of world’s declaration of “Education for All” or popularly known as the Jomtien meet of Thailand, India got the much awaited “Right to Education Act” just  last year. This shows how much we care our children’s future?

We all agree on a point that primary education is the basic ground on which the tower of higher education can be build but ironically it’s the most neglected plot as well for which we are still not being able to achieve the standards set by the international vow of “Millennium Development Goal “and nation’s constitutional mandate of “provision of free and compulsory primary education to all the children of 6-14 years”. This can easily be seen in one of the recently published education survey report. This was released by the Union Human Resource Minister himself. The report gives us a snap shot of the ground reality of primary education across the country.

It says that nationally around 4% children are out of school and simultaneously the percentage of elder child between age group of  15-16 years is almost 17%. The enrollment in the private school is increasing compared to the government ones.

In the state specific context Orissa continues to be the highest in the country in terms of out of school children in the age group of  6-14 years which is 6.3%. This becomes more worse  as 26% children in 15-16 years age group is out of school again comparatively highest in the country.

Now, the question comes what has caused to keep these people out of school or why they are being deprived or denied of their basic fundamental right. Well other side of the coin is much more interesting as among the children who are somehow being able to receive education.

It says in Orissa 11% children still in Standard I-II can not read letters, words or more so in their own language and 13% children are unable to recognize numbers 1-9 or more. The same exercise with standard III-V children who can not read Level 1 (STD 1 Text) or more is 30% in language and 36% Children in mathematics who can not do subtraction or more despite of heavy fund flow and high-tech improvements and innovations in teaching pedagogy over the last few years.

This does not mean that nothing is happening on the ground. Rather, how is it happening is a point to think. Right from the government, non-government organization, individuals are doing a lot but where is the outcome?

Thus, it’s high time that we must introspect on the Odisha Foundation Day and gear up to work in a more focused way with proper monitoring mechanism after all every Indian citizen is paying 3% education cess and owes the moral responsibility to lead the country towards the path of “Developed Country” by the end of 2020. Let’s start from our own home, neighborhood, village, city, district, state of Odisha to make Right to education act a reality.

[The author is a free-lance writer. You can send your comments and suggestions at janatavikasmanch@gmail.com or sraban.bag@gmail.com]

By Minaketan Sahoo

It is always being said that the people of Orissa are poor despite the land having rich natural resources. These resources are not being able to change the fate of the people of the State due to lack of proper utilization. During the tenure of Mr. Biju Patnaik as the Chief Minister, the Government took up steps to make the state industrially developed by investing a portion of the natural resources of the State. The process of industrialization kicked during this period to utilize the iron ores, manganese, chrome ores, limestone, dolomite and coal reserved in the State.

The process still continues with the establishment of many mega and medium scale steel and aluminium industries and thermal power plants. The per capita income of the people of Orissa has also gone up as they have become the stakeholders in the process of development. With this, the infrastructures of the State have been developed and many steps are being taken up towards the development of education, agriculture and forest conservation. With the private business houses being partners in this development process, the lifestyle of the State has started to change. But industrial development of Orissa is not one-sided. The State Government, industrial houses and people of the land are making concerted efforts towards the progress of the State.

Parallel efforts are also on in the field of the development of the tribals and people belonging to backward classes. They have been entitled with the Forest Rights and their productivity is being enhanced through development of education and healthcare facilities. But the process of including the tribals in this stream of development is being delayed due to the democratic nature of the procedure being followed. Taking this delay as an opportunity, some leftist groups, voluntary organizations and people with vested interests have started movement against industrialization in the name of environment and displacement. It is unfortunate that while some NGOs has taken the lead in this movement, some outfits like Chasi Mulia Sangha in Koraput are continuing agitations against land acquisition and protesting the industries in the name of R&R and land acquisition issues. But in real practice the rehabilitation and peripheral development of different industrial houses have contributed to further the socio-economic development of districts like Kalahandi, Jajpur and Jagatsinghpur.

The locals are being provided with new houses, schools, health centres, nutritious foods and midday meals. But the opponents of this development process are instigating the people by spreading negative information. While the process of change is changing the standard of living of the people, they are, on the other hand, are being misled. The innocent people are being organized against industrialization in the name of environment, traditional way of living and religion. While voluntary organizations are misleading the locals against the proposed Dhamra Port Project, POSCO’s steel project, proposed thermal power project and aluminium project, the leftists are taking the advantage of the situation and creating violence. There is a need of peaceful environment for the economic and social development. On the other hand, while the rehabilitation and resettlement programmes are being implemented with the consultation of the displaced, they are instigated to follow the path of violence.

Considering the adverse effects of the Naxal and Maoist movements in the development process of the Eastern India , the Government of India has taken serious measures to handle the issue. While some terrorists have been arrested, some others have surrendered meanwhile. It is being expected that all the problems would be sorted out if they come forward for peaceful discussion leaving the path of violence. Time has come to choose the path of peace and progress. The groups who are instigating and misleading people against development should remember that one has to forego something to achieve something. Countries like USA , UK , Russia and China have attained development by realizing this truth. So, discussion to end all the controversies and disputes and peaceful resolution of all the issues would bring prosperity to Orissa and would enhance the strength of India .